Comments: Ub. bagʷǝ́ may be an Ad. loan (see Shagirov 1,71), but not necessarily so; nothing contradicts the genuine relation between the PAK and Ub. words. Abkh. a-bā 'rotten' has, of course, nothing to do with the root (pace Abdokov 1973,40).
Comments: The Abkh. form presupposes PAT *baʕa (*bǝʕa), where -ʕ- < PWC *-q:I-. In Kab. one would rather expect -q: and not -q (a regular PAK match for PAT *baʕa would be *baq:V). This form must have indeed existed and is reflected in the Abaz. loan from Kabardian - baq̇ 'cattle-shed' (where q̇ is a regular Abaz. substitute for Kab. q: in loanwords). The reason for weakening -q: > -q in modern Kabardian is not quite clear. From the semantic point of view the correlation "cattle-shed" : "fortress" is not surprising, because it is known that towers/fortresses were used for keeping cattle.
Armenian bak 'sheep-fold, enclosure' is probably of Caucasian origin, see Acharyan 1, 907 (although it may be borrowed also from Georg. baḳi 'fence, enclosure' - which, for phonetic reasons, can not be compared with WC forms - despite Kuipers 1960, 83, Shagirov 1, 73).
Comments: PAK *báq:ʷǝ. Since only the PAK form is available (parallels from other WC languages are not reliable), the reconstruction is rather tentative (an intensive or non-pharyngealised uvular may be reconstructed as well) and based mostly on external evidence.
Comments: PAT *bawǝ-ra (with a common suffix -ra). Abkh. > Megr. aboura,abuura 'cattle-shed'; Kab. > Balk. bau id. See Shagirov 1, 101 (despite Klimov's opinion, quoted ibid., the Abkh. word - since it is clearly related to Kab. bow - has nothing to do with Slav. обор(а)).
Comments: Attested only in Abkh., thus the PWC antiquity is dubious. The word can be borrowed from Megr. beha 'shovel' - the reverse, however, is also possible (there is no PK etymology of the Megr. word).
Comments: PAT *žʷa (cf. also Bzyb. ž̌a-bá); PAK *ṗć̣ǝ.
A complicated case. PAK *ṗć̣ǝ can only go back to PWC *P-ć̣ʷǝ (a form which obviously corresponds to EC, see Trubetzkoy 1930, 82). The Ubykh form can go back to a voiced variant *źʷǝ; but the PAT form needs a more complicated explanation, if it belongs here at all: it may also reflect a secondarily voiced PWC variant *(b)-ʒ́ʷV > PAT *ža, with labialisation under the influence of PAT *zʷǝ 'nine' (*ža > *žʷa ).
The hypothesis of uniting all three forms (PAT, PAK and Ub.) belongs to Abdokov (1973, 66). One can either accept it (with the complicated explanation presented above), or else separate the Ub. and Abkh. forms under a distinct protoform, PWC *ž́ʷV (since *ž́ʷ regularly gives PAT *žʷ and Ub. žʷ). However, Shagirov's attempt to unite Abkh. ž̌-ba 'nine' and ž̌a-ba 'ten' (Shagirov 1, 80-81) is certainly untenable: in the Bzyb. dialect they are opposed as ź̌-ba vs. ž̌-ba and go back to different PAT forms (*zʷǝ and *žʷa respectively).
Comments: PAK *ħa-č̣́á. The component *ħa- is not clear etymologically (perhaps related to another PEC root for "guest", *χ_alHV?). Still the relationship between the AK and Ub. words can not be debated, and Trubetzkoy's (1921) hypothesis about PAK *ħač̣́a being borrowed from Iranian *haxay 'friend' is absolutely groundless.
Comments: PAT *(a)bǝ- - an approximating deictic particle (Abkh. ab-ni "that (nearer than ani)", Abaz. abani id. etc.). In AK the particle has survived only in Kab. within the pronoun ā-bǝ 'that'.
Comments: PAK *bɣǝ. In Abkh. the morpheme is witnessed only within compounds a-bʁá-b,a-bʁá-ǯ́ma 'mountain goat'. The root should be kept apart from PWC *bǝɣA 'waist' q.v.
Comments: PAK *ʁʷǝ́-pč:a (a compound with ʁʷǝ- 'metal, iron'). Ub. sing. a-s-pč́á-n. The correspondence PAK *č: : Ub. č́ points to PWC *č́:ʷ. Ubykh also has ʁʷǝpč́á 'sickle', but this can be an Adygh loanword.
Comments: The original meaning is clearly 'spot(s)', whence a) 'measles' or 'scarlet fever', b) *'spot of the belly' > 'navel'. PAT *bǝč̣́ǝ; PAK compound *nǝba-bǝǯ́a (*ǯ́ instead of *č̣́ as a result of assimilation) "belly-spot" > *nǝbǝ́ǯ́a / *bǝ́nǝǯ́a. Despite Shagirov 1977, 103-104, we can not reconstruct in PAK *nǝba-ǵa "belly+bad" - primarily because Ad. ǯ́ : Kab. ž point only to PAK *ǯ́ (not *ǵ).
The Adygh words were borrowed in Abaz. (bǝnǯ́a "navel") and Ub. (nǝbǝ́ǯ́ "navel").
Meaning:1 to rumple, crumple 2 to press, be pressed
Abkhaz:a-r-bǝc̣-rá 1
Abaza:r-bc̣-ra 1
Ubykh:bǝc̣(ǝ́)- 2
Comments: PAT *rǝ-bǝć̣ǝ (with a causative prefix; cf. also Bzyb. a-r-bǝć̣-rá 'to rumple'); Ub. a-bǝc̣ǝ́-n 'il est opprimé', a-sǝ-bǝc̣ǝ́-n 'je le presse'. The correspondence PAT *ć̣ : Ub. c̣ points to PWC non-palatalized *č̣.
Comments: PAK *bž́ǝ. PAK *ž́ goes back to PWC *ɣ́; therefore, pace Shagirov 1,90 the PAK form can not correspond to Abaz. psǝnč́ 'yoke' (*ɣ́ in Abaz. yields ʁ́).
Comments: PAK *na-bʁá (*na 'eye'). The original meaning of the root was 'eye secretion, matter in the eye' which explains the divergence of meaning in PAT and PAK.
